The first reports that one of the Tigre chieftains had gone over to the Italians were hailed in Rome as the beginning of the break up of the Ethiopian Empire. The renegade chief, Haile Selassie Gugsa, not only held the rank of Dejesmatch, equivalent in so far as comparisons are possible with the European rank of General, but he was the son-in-law of the Emperor and therefore presumably a figure of the first importance.

Later it came to be recognised that the military significance of the defection was comparatively slight. The number of men said to have deserted with their chief dwindled even in the Italian versions to the neighbourhood of one thousand, while it was estimated on the Ethiopian side as roughly two hundred. European opinion was, however, that the treachery, which was clearly pre-arranged, probably represented the beginning of an attempt on the part of the Italians to push the claims of a rival dynasty and eventually to set up a puppet Emperor on the model of Manchukuo.

For Haile Selassie Gugsa has a claim of sorts to the throne. Through his father Ras Gugsa Araia he is descended from the Emperor John, whose successors, after the Emperor’s death in battle against the Dervishes in 1889, were dispossessed of the throne by Menelek.

The complex history of Ethiopia appears at first sight to bear no resemblance to anything with which the English reader is familiar, but a little reflection shows that interesting parallels can be found in the dynastic wars of Great Britain. The state of affairs in Shoa and Tigre during the greater part of the past century has been compared to the relationship of England and Scotland during Elizabeth’s reign and later. France supported the Stuarts against England in much the same way as Italy at various times has supported the rulers of Tigre against the Shoan regime.

The same methods, too, have been tried for the ending of the quarrel. Menelek, as we have seen, tried to put a stop to the continual trouble by marrying his daughter Zawditu (afterwards co-ruler with the present Emperor) to the son of the Emperor John. All might have been well and a strong dynasty have been established with claims on the loyalty of both parties had not Zawditu’s husband died before the Emperor Menelek. This, however, made the marriage alliance useless and the strife continued.

After Zawditu’s death Haile Selassie found himself with the same problem that had exercised the mind of Menelek—how to keep peace with the people of Tigre. He had shown sound judgment in his handling of the position, mingling just dealing with shrewd diplomacy.

The two claimants to the governorship of the Tigre were the cousins, Ras Seyoum and Ras Gugsa Araia. Both were in addition possible claimants to the Imperial throne. From this fact a deadly personal rivalry has sprung, which Haile Selassie at once realised was a great safeguard to him. He therefore appointed the two cousins each governor of one half of the province of Tigre, Ras Seyoum being given control of the western half while Ras Gugsa Araia took the east. Subsequently, to strengthen his loyalty to the Imperial family, the Emperor arranged a marriage alliance, his eldest son, the Crown Prince, being wedded to the daughter of Ras Seyoum. Some years later, as evidence of a policy of complete equality between the two chiefs, the Emperor’s second daughter was given in marriage to the son of Ras Gugsa, Haile Selassie Gugsa, whose recent treachery has shocked all loyal Ethiopians.

This desertion is the climax to a long feud and it is impossible in the space at our disposal to disentangle all the queer ramifications of the various quarrels. It must suffice to say that they are far more complex than most European observers realise. Ras Seyoum and Ras Gugsa Araia (whose death occurred some years ago) were never reconciled and their bickerings were a source of great anxiety to the Emperor Haile Selassie. While he was anxious that they should not combine against him and to that extent was glad of their rivalry it was a great hindrance to his plans for reform that the two governors would never co-operate. Thus at length with the hope of producing in them a better state of mind he commanded them both to appear before him. It is an effective comment on the state of Abyssinian communications at that time that the two rival chieftains decided to travel to Addis Ababa, first by ship to Jibuti from an Eritrean port and thence by rail. Neither ships nor trains were frequent, and thus it came about that the two bitter enemies were compelled to travel together. Since each had a considerable following of vassal chieftains and servants both male and female there was every possible chance of continuous friction en route. Each had a personal bodyguard of at least one hundred armed warriors, and few who knew the tempers of the men concerned would have guessed it possible that the expeditions would reach the capital without bloodshed.

The Italians, however, were equally embarrassed by the quarrel, for it was quite clear to the authorities at Asmara that the refusal of the two chiefs to act together in any way would be a great hindrance in the penetration, either peaceful or military, of the provinces on the Eritrean border. If one of the chiefs were to be won over by the Italians, for instance, that would be sufficient to make the other their implacable enemy. It was therefore good policy on the part of the Italian governor at the port of embarkation to attempt a reconciliation between the two men.

When the Italian Governor-General issued an invitation to lunch to the two parties there was an immediate howl of protest. Neither chief would consent for one moment to sit at meat with the other and their followers were loud in denunciation of what both sides deemed an insult. But the lure of European luxury was strong. Both men were curious as to what the feast would be like, and little by little they were persuaded. It was exacted that there should be absolute equality in every detail in the treatment of the warring guests, and at one stage in the negotiations there was nearly a complete deadlock owing to the fact that one of them had been lent a slightly newer motor­car than the other; but deft and tactful methods prevailed, so that eventually the lunch was held.

Those who witnessed the affair frequently related the story. From the start the ice was indeed thin. Both the guests of honour glared moodily at each other, eager to seize on any disparity of courtesy as an excuse for an open row. Their host was expecting every moment for the storm to break, the silence of the chieftains growing steadily more ominous. It was not till the champagne began to flow that any signs of relenting could be noticed. But the perseverance of the Governor-General at length met with its reward and before the function was ended he had persuaded the two rivals to shake hands with every appearance of cordiality.

This lasted until the capital was reached, and though in the subsequent ceremonies there were moments of extreme tension and one or two brawls broke out among the warriors, the two governors of Tigre kept the peace during their visit to the Emperor and departed to their provinces apparently reconciled to a degree far exeeding the most sanguine expectations of their ruler.

It cannot be imagined, however, that at heart Haile Selassie had any real hopes of peace between the two factions. He knew that the feud went deeper than any surface cordiality could penetrate and that many generations had contributed to what appeared at first sight to be more or less a personal quarrel. He himself, for all his efforts to remain outside the dispute, was in reality deeply involved. Not only was there the division between the descendants of the Emperor John and the great Menelek; there were also the divisions which had grown up within the State during the time of his regency as joint ruler with Zawditu. In those days when the Emperor Haile Selassie had stood for progress and justice against the more conservative outlook of the Empress Zawditu the various chieftains had ranged themselves either on the side of the Empress or on that of the Regent. This had been inevitable, but the resulting intrigues had wasted much valuable time and had been a constant threat to the peace of Ethiopia. Naturally Ras Seyoum and Ras Gugsa Araia were always members of opposing factions, but their loyalties had several times shifted as the result of palace manoeuvres. If one of them received any mark of friendship from either Empress or Regent the other immediately made overtures to the opposition. Thus it was never possible to be certain on which side either of the chiefs was to be found, while the presence of Italy in the background added yet another imponderable, to what was already an impossibly tangled, problem.

It is his conduct under such conditions as these that must win for the Emperor the definite admiration of the impartial student. He never broke faith with either of the rivals or allowed one to grow strong at the expense of the other. Yet in all the intrigues which surrounded him he always managed to think one move ahead of his opponents. It was chess on a truly chequered board, and the Emperor showed himself a superb player, never violating the rules of the strange game.

The Empress has been said by some observers to have exerted a great influence for good over the rivals. Her appeal to them was always based on religious grounds. Particularly was this so when in 1929 Ras Gugsa Olie, ruler of Central Amhara, raised the standard of revolt against the Emperor. The details of this rebellion and the strange issues involved are too complex to explain here. It was, queerly enough, because of Haile Selassie’s supposed friendship with the Italians (as shown by the treaty of 1928) that the chiefs rebelled, though the treaty came only as a climax to a long series of grievances felt by those chiefs to whom modern ideas concerning the administration of justice appeared as nothing more than the whittling away of their age-old rights over their subjects. The great seriousness of the alliance against the Emperor Haile Selassie lay in the fact that Ras Gugsa Olie (as has been related elsewhere) was a former husband of the Empress and thus was imbued (though quite irrationally) with a sense of bitter personal wrong. Things might well have gone hardly with the Emperor whose hatred of war (one of the guiding principles of his whole life) led him to offer every possible concession to the rebels and to give them every chance to submit without humiliation. These tactics were naturally enough interpreted as signs of weakness by the rebels whose intelligence worked at a much lower level than their Emperor’s—who, when at last he realised how his policy was misinterpreted, decided on strong measures.

The whole of the Imperial Army was mobilised with great speed and placed under Ras Muhulghetta, a very able commander, who is now in the field against the Italians. A careful plan of campaign was drawn up, by following which it was hoped to divide the opposing forces and defeat them in detail. Ras Seyoum and Ras Gugsa Araia were invited to co-operate, but moved very tardily in response to this request. The exhortations of the Empress were effective, however, and they were eventually induced to begin a campaign. Each was inclined to watch the other rather than the enemy, but when it appeared that there was a chance of plunder they sank their differences and raided more or less in harmony. They succeeded in capturing a good many head of cattle and other booty, but it is doubtful whether their operations contributed much to the success of the Emperor’s tactics, which was nevertheless astonishing in its completeness.

A chief named Deggiac Aileu was prominent in the campaign, serving his Emperor with loyalty and with great military skill. Ras Olie was out-generalled and at last was killed together with most of his followers. When the war was over the Emperor was careful to express gratitude to all who had aided him and was specially generous in his praise of the two governors of Tigre, although he can have harboured few illusions concerning the part which they had played.

From that time Ras Seyoum has gradually come round to the side of the Emperor, his quick intelligence, for he is undoubtedly a man of superior capacity, telling him that the introduction of progressive ideas into Ethiopia can hardly be resisted and is, in fact, that nation’s only hope of preserving its independence. He has proved his loyalty on several occasions and much is hoped of him in the present struggle.

Ras Gugsa Araia, on the other hand, was in the last years of his life a truculent and unreliable chief, a constant thorn in the Emperor’s side. Evidence that he had secretly promised help to Ras Olie was discovered during the clearing up of the latter’s affairs, and this, together with the memory of his unsatisfactory conduct in divorcing his wife, a favourite niece of the Emperor, made amicable relations between them practically impossible. Nevertheless the Emperor did not allow his dislike of the father to prevent him from acting generously towards the son, and when Haile Selassie Gugsa inherited the family lands everything was done to show him that none of his father’s shortcomings would be visited upon his head and that he had only to deal justly to receive warm friendship in return.

There were some grounds for the Emperor’s hopes that better things would result with Haile Selassie Gugsa in his father’s shoes. The young chief was handsome, apparently intelligent, and had no obvious vices. The Emperor gave his second daughter in marriage to the new chief in the hope that this would bind him to the imperial house and also with the thought that the splendid training which the princess had received might be a good influence upon her husband.

From the first it was plain that all did not go well with the marriage. The princess, used to the spotless cleanliness and simple luxury of the palace at Addis Ababa, found herself very unhappy in the much less pleasant surroundings at Makale. Even had she been married to an attentive and loving husband her lot would still have been a hard one; but Haile Selassie Gugsa soon showed himself cruel and neglectful towards her. Perhaps it was that the old feuds still stirred in his savage blood; it may perhaps be nearer the truth to conjecture that it was the knowledge of his young wife’s superior character and education which was a constant irritation to his vanity and prompted his ill usage of her. She was a beautiful, rather delicate girl with the sweetest and most submissive of dispositions, sharing many of her father’s tastes and deeply attached to him. She knew that her happiness had been sacrificed for political reasons and was prepared to do her duty in the strange surroundings to which fate had transplanted her.

But her husband was moved neither by her beauty nor by her gentleness. A European trader who visited Tigre reported to the Emperor that his daughter appeared unhappy and far from well, and that even her husband’s servants were disgusted by his conduct towards her; that her house was little more than a hut, ill kept, smoky and with a roof in need of repair; that she was denied not only the comforts but even, sometimes, the necessities of life.

This was terrible news for the Emperor, who loved his daughter dearly; but much as he would have liked to have brought her home his hands were tied. He could not afford to stir up trouble with a possible ally while confronted with a situation which grew more and more menacing from day to day. He sent his daughter gifts, and made arrangements by which he might have more frequent news of her, at the same time conveying to Haile Selassie Gugsa in as friendly a manner as possible that his behaviour was discreditable.

The end was tragedy. Whether Gugsa was already involved in treachery with the Italians and thus, fancying himself secure against the wrath of the Emperor, was anxious to be rid of his young wife, or whether there was nothing deliberate in his conduct, which was merely indifference to suffering so often displayed by the untutored mind, it is impossible to say. Tigre is remote from Addis Ababa and the communications, as we have seen, are extremely poor. What happened in Gugsa’s household can only be guessed. One fact is certain. The princess, when far advanced in childbirth, was subjected to shameful neglect, and with her heart almost broken by her husband’s contempt, could not rally her delicate frame to face the coming ordeal. After a long silence news was brought to the Emperor that his daughter’s life was despaired of, and that nothing, it seemed, was being done to save her.

The Emperor, agonised by these terrible tidings of the daughter whom he loved so well, did not delay a moment but despatched his private physician, a Greek in whom he had the greatest confidence, who went by aeroplane to Tigre, taking with him every possible equipment which might be needed. The doctor arrived too late. It was the dead body of the princess which he brought back in the Emperor’s plane.

When it was known that the areoplane had landed the Emperor left his palace to meet the tragic procession which bore his child back to her father’s home. He did not speak—but motioning his servants to stand aside, knelt beside the frail body, finally throwing himself upon it in tempestuous grief.

The burial took place at Addis Ababa, a circumstance which was interpreted throughout the country as marking the extreme displeasure of the Emperor, for it was unheard of in Ethiopia that a wife should be buried away from her husband’s home. The place of her burial is still frequently visited both by the Emperor and Empress who kneel and pray beside it. They never forgave Gugsa; but little thought that they would one day see him add the blackest treachery to his other crimes.

Haile Selassie Gugsa was allowed to retain his governorship, of which, indeed, it might have been very difficult to have deprived him. But it was clear that the Emperor no longer thought of him as worthy of great trust. The fact that Ras Seyoum was more frequently consulted than he was when decisions were taken was a source of great humiliation to Gugsa, and when in the general mobilisation to meet the Italian advance, he was not given an independent command but was actually placed under Ras Seyoum’s authority, his cup was full. Already overtures had been made to him by the Italians—it is possible in fact that they dated back for several years—since as ruler of the eastern province of Tigre he was naturally easily accessible to Italian propaganda.

What is his position now? Whether he has been promised the imperial throne it is difficult to judge; but one thing is clear. If Gugsa is on the side of the Italians Ras Seyoum will fight them to the last drop of his blood. The hereditary rivalry will be fanned to white heat by this treachery, which may prove in the end a stimulus to the Emperor’s cause.

Haile Selassie Gugsa in the ranks of his country’s enemies is a pitiable figure. Mirrors, scents, and razors were, we are told, among the gifts with which he was presented by his new-found friends. This is an index to character. The Italians may represent him as an enlightened chieftain who has accepted the march of progress with open arms. In view of his past record this fanciful portrait of the renegade can hardly appear very convincing to the outside world. Whatever the immediate future, it is safe to predict that Gugsa’s fate will be an unhappy one. In their efforts to break the allegiance of the chieftains it is known that the Italians have been offering the throne to all and sundry. In the almost inconceivable event of an Italian victory they will find themselves saddled with so many promises that they will probably achieve impartiality by the simple process of keeping none of them. Haile Selassie Gugsa struts in triumph for the moment and doubtless his mirrors, his scents and his razors have all the thrill of pretty toys to a vain and spoiled child; but it is probable that he will experience a bitter awakening before long.