APPEAL TO THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS
Haile Selassie
June 1936
"I, Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, am here today to claim that justicewhich is due to my people, and the assistance promised to it eight months ago, when fiftynations asserted that aggression had been committed in violation of internationaltreaties.
There is no precedent for a Head of State himself speaking in this assembly. But thereis also no precedent for a people being victim of such injustice and being at presentthreatened by abandonment to its aggressor. Also, there has never before been an exampleof any Government proceeding to the systematic extermination of a nation by barbarousmeans, in violation of the most solemn promises made by the nations of the earth thatthere should not be used against innocent human beings the terrible poison of harmfulgases. It is to defend a people struggling for its age-old independence that the head ofthe Ethiopian Empire has come to Geneva to fulfil this supreme duty, after having himselffought at the head of his armies.
I pray to Almighty God that He may spare nations the terrible sufferings that have justbeen inflicted on my people, and of which the chiefs who accompany me here have been thehorrified witnesses.
It is my duty to inform the Governments assembled in Geneva, responsible as they arefor the lives of millions of men, women and children, of the deadly peril which threatensthem, by describing to them the fate which has been suffered by Ethiopia. It is not onlyupon warriors that the Italian Government has made war. It has above all attackedpopulations far removed from hostilities, in order to terrorize and exterminate them.
At the beginning, towards the end of 1935, Italian aircraft hurled upon my armies bombsof tear-gas. Their effects were but slight. The soldiers learned to scatter, waiting untilthe wind had rapidly dispersed the poisonous gases. The Italian aircraft then resorted tomustard gas. Barrels of liquid were hurled upon armed groups. But this means also was noteffective; the liquid affected only a few soldiers, and barrels upon the ground werethemselves a warning to troops and to the population of the danger.
It was at the time when the operations for the encircling of Makalle were taking placethat the Italian command, fearing a rout, followed the procedure which it is now my dutyto denounce to the world. Special sprayers were installed on board aircraft so that theycould vaporize, over vast areas of territory, a fine, death-dealing rain. Groups of nine,fifteen, eighteen aircraft followed one another so that the fog issuing from them formed acontinuous sheet. It was thus that, as from the end of January, 1936, soldiers, women,children, cattle, rivers, lakes and pastures were drenched continually with this deadlyrain. In order to kill off systematically all living creatures, in order to more surely topoison waters and pastures, the Italian command made its aircraft pass over and overagain. That was its chief method of warfare.
Ravage and Terror
The very refinement of barbarism consisted in carrying ravage and terror into the mostdensely populated parts of the territory, the points farthest removed from the scene ofhostilities. The object was to scatter fear and death over a great part of the Ethiopianterritory. These fearful tactics succeeded. Men and animals succumbed. The deadly rainthat fell from the aircraft made all those whom it touched fly shrieking with pain. Allthose who drank the poisoned water or ate the infected food also succumbed in dreadfulsuffering. In tens of thousands, the victims of the Italian mustard gas fell. It is inorder to denounce to the civilized world the tortures inflicted upon the Ethiopian peoplethat I resolved to come to Geneva. None other than myself and my brave companions in armscould bring the League of Nations the undeniable proof. The appeals of my delegatesaddressed to the League of Nations had remained without any answer; my delegates had notbeen witnesses. That is why I decided to come myself to bear witness against the crimeperpetrated against my people and give Europe a warning of the doom that awaits it, if itshould bow before the accomplished fact.
Is it necessary to remind the Assembly of the various stages of the Ethiopian drama?For 20 years past, either as Heir Apparent, Regent of the Empire, or as Emperor, I havenever ceased to use all my efforts to bring my country the benefits of civilization, andin particular to establish relations of good neighbourliness with adjacent powers. Inparticular I succeeded in concluding with Italy the Treaty of Friendship of 1928, whichabsolutely prohibited the resort, under any pretext whatsoever, to force of arms,substituting for force and pressure the conciliation and arbitration on which civilizednations have based international order.
Country More United
In its report of October 5th 193S, the Committee of Thirteen recognized my effort andthe results that I had achieved. The Governments thought that the entry of Ethiopia intothe League, whilst giving that country a new guarantee for the maintenance of herterritorial integrity and independence, would help her to reach a higher level ofcivilization. It does not seem that in Ethiopia today there is more disorder andinsecurity than in 1923. On the contrary, the country is more united and the central poweris better obeyed.
I should have procured still greater results for my people if obstacles of every kindhad not been put in the way by the Italian Government, the Government which stirred uprevolt and armed the rebels. Indeed the Rome Government, as it has today openlyproclaimed, has never ceased to prepare for the conquest of Ethiopia. The Treaties ofFriendship it signed with me were not sincere; their only object was to hide its realintention from me. The Italian Goverment asserts that for 14 years it has been preparingfor its present conquest. It therefore recognizes today that when it supported theadmission of Ethiopia to the League of Nations in 1923, when it concluded the Treaty ofFriendship in 1928, when it signed the Pact of Paris outlawing war, it was deceiving thewhole world. The Ethiopian Government was, in these solemn treaties, given additionalguarantees of security which would enable it to achieve further progress along thespecific path of reform on which it had set its feet, and to which it was devoting all itsstrength and all its heart.
Wal-Wal Pretext
The Wal-Wal incident, in December, 1934, came as a thunderbolt to me. The Italianprovocation was obvious and I did not hesitate to appeal to the League of Nations. Iinvoked the provisions of the treaty of 1928, the principles of the Covenant; I urged theprocedure of conciliation and arbitration. Unhappily for Ethiopia this was the time when acertain Government considered that the European situation made it imperative at all coststo obtain the friendship of Italy. The price paid was the abandonment of Ethiopianindependence to the greed of the Italian Government. This secret agreement, contrary tothe obligations of the Covenant, has exerted a great influence over the course of events.Ethiopia and the whole world have suffered and are still suffering today its disastrousconsequences.
This first violation of the Covenant was followed by many others. Feeling itselfencouraged in its policy against Ethiopia, the Rome Government feverishly made warpreparations, thinking that the concerted pressure which was beginning to be exerted onthe Ethiopian Government, might perhaps not overcome the resistance of my people toItalian domination. The time had to come, thus all sorts of difficulties were placed inthe way with a view to breaking up the procedure; of conciliation and arbitration. Allkinds of obstacles were placed in the way of that procedure. Governments tried to preventthe Ethiopian Government from finding arbitrators amongst their nationals: when once thearbitral tribunal a was set up pressure was exercised so that an award favourable to Italyshould be given.
All this was in vain: the arbitrators, two of whom were Italian officials, were forcedto recognize unanimously that in the Wal-Wal incident, as in the subsequent incidents, nointernational responsibility was to be attributed to Ethiopia.
Peace Efforts
Following on this award. the Ethiopian Government sincerely thought that an era offriendly relations might be opened with Italy. I loyally offered my hand to the RomanGovernment. The Assembly was informed by the report of the Committee of Thirteen, datedOctober 5th, 1935, of the details of the events which occurred after the month ofDecember, 1934, and up to October 3rd, 1935.
It will be sufficient if I quote a few of the conclusions of that report Nos. 24, 25and 26 "The Italian memorandum (containing the complaints made by Italy) was laid onthe Council table on September 4th, 1935, whereas Ethiopia's first appeal to the Councilhad been made on December 14th, 1934. In the interval between these two dates, the ItalianGovernment opposed the consideration of the question by the Council on the ground that theonly appropriate procedure was that provided for in the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928.Throughout the whole of that period, moreover, the despatch of Italian troops to EastAfrica was proceeding. These shipments of troops were represented to the Council by theItalian Government as necessary for the defense of its colonies menaced by Ethiopia'spreparations. Ethiopia, on the contrary, drew attention to the official pronouncementsmade in Italy which, in its opinion, left no doubt "as to the hostile intentions ofthe Italian Government."
From the outset of the dispute, the Ethiopian Government has sought a settlement bypeaceful means. It has appealed to the procedures of the Covenant. The Italian Governmentdesiring to keep strictly to the procedures of the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928, theEthiopian Government assented. It invariably stated that it would faithfully carry out thearbitral award even if the decision went against it. It agreed that the question of theownership of Wal-Wal should not be dealt with by the arbitrators, because the ItalianGovernment would not agree to such a course. It asked the Council to despatch neutralobservers and offered to lend itself to any enquiries upon which the Council might decide.
Once the Wal-Wal dispute had been settled by arbiration, however, the Italian Govemmcntsubmitted its detailed memorandum to the Council in support of its claim to liberty ofaction. It asserted that a case like that of Ethiopia cannot be settled by the meansprovided by the Covenant. It stated that, "since this question affects vital interestand is of primary importance to Italian security and civilization" it "would befailing in its most elementary duty, did it not cease once and for all to place anyconfidence in Ethiopia, reserving full liberty to adopt any measures that may becomenecessary to ensure the safety of its colonies and to safeguard its own interests."
Covenant Violated
Those are the terms of the report of the Committee of Thirteen, The Council and theAssembly unanimously adopted the conclusion that the Italian Government had violated theCovenant and was in a state of aggression. I did not hesitate to declare that I did notwish for war, that it was imposed upon me, and I should struggle solely for theindependence and integrity of my people, and that in that struggle I was the defender ofthe cause of all small States exposed to the greed of a powerful neighbour.
In October, 1935. the 52 nations who are listening to me today gave me an assurancethat the aggressor would not triumph, that the resources of the Covenant would be employedin order to ensure the reign of right and the failure of violence.
I ask the fifty-two nations not to forget today the policy upon which they embarkedeight months ago, and on faith of which I directed the resistance of my people against theaggressor whom they had denounced to the world. Despite the inferiority of my weapons, thecomplete lack of aircraft, artillery, munitions, hospital services, my confidence in theLeague was absolute. I thought it to be impossible that fifty-two nations, including themost powerful in the world, should be successfully opposed by a single aggressor. Countingon the faith due to treaties, I had made no preparation for war, and that is the case withcertain small countries in Europe.
When the danger became more urgent, being aware of my responsibilities towards mypeople, during the first six months of 1935 I tried to acquire armaments. Many Governmentsproclaimed an embargo to prevent my doing so, whereas the Italian Government through theSuez Canal, was given all facilities for transporting without cessation and withoutprotest, troops, arms, and munitions.
Forced to Mobilize
On October 3rd, 1935, the Italian troops invaded my territory. A few hours later only Idecreed general mobilization. In my desire to maintain peace I had, following the exampleof a great country in Europe on the eve of the Great War, caused my troops to withdrawthirty kilometres so as to remove any pretext of provocation.
War then took place in the atrocious conditions which I have laid before the Assembly.In that unequal struggle between a Government commanding more than forty-two millioninhabitants, having at its disposal financial, industrial and technical means whichenabled it to create unlimited quantities of the most death-dealing weapons, and, on theother hand, a small people of twelve million inhabitants, without arms, without resourceshaving on its side only the justice of its own cause and the promise of the League ofNations. What real assistance was given to Ethiopia by the fifty two nations who haddeclared the Rome Government guilty of a breach of the Covenant and had undertaken toprevent the triumph of the aggressor? Has each of the States Members, as it was its dutyto do in virtue of its signature appended to Article 15 of the Covenant, considered theaggressor as having committed an act of war personally directed against itself? I hadplaced all my hopes in the execution of these undertakings. My confidence had beenconfirmed by the repeated declarations made in the Council to the effect that aggressionmust not be rewarded, and that force would end by being compelled to bow before right.
In December, 1935, the Council made it quite clear that its feelings were in harmonywith those of hundreds of millions of people who, in all parts of the world, had protestedagainst the proposal to dismember Ethiopia. It was constantly repeated that there was notmerely a conflict between the Italian Government and the League of Nadons, and that is whyI personally refused all proposals to my personal advantage made to me by the ItalianGovernment, if only I would betray my people and the Covenant of the League of Nations. Iwas defending the cause of all small peoples who are threatened with aggression.
What of Promises?
What have become of the promises made to me as long ago as October, 1935? I noted withgrief, but without surprise that three Powers considered their undertakings under theCovenant as absolutely of no value. Their connections with Italy impelled them to refuseto take any measures whatsoever in order to stop Italian aggression. On the contrary, itwas a profound disappointment to me to learn the attitude of a certain Government which,whilst ever protesting its scrupulous attachment to the Covenant, has tirelessly used allits efforts to prevent its observance. As soon as any measure which was likely to berapidly effective was proposed, various pretexts were devised in order to postpone evenconsideration of the measure. Did the secret agreements of January, 1935, provide for thistireless obstruction?
The Ethiopian Government never expected other Governments to shed their soldiers' bloodto defend the Covenant when their own immediately personal interests were not at stake.Ethiopian warriors asked only for means to defend themselves. On many occasions I haveasked for financial assistance for the purchase of arms That assistance has beenconstantly refused me. What, then, in practice, is the meaning of Article 16 of theCovenant and of collective security?
The Ethiopian Government's use of the railway from Djibouti to Addis Ababa was inpractice a hazardous regards transport of arms intended for the Ethiopian forces. At thepresent moment this is the chief, if not the only means of supply of the Italian armies ofoccupation. The rules of neutrality should have prohibited transports intended for Italianforces, but there is not even neutrality since Article 16 lays upon every State Member ofthe League the duty not to remain a neutral but to come to the aid not of the aggressorbut of the victim of aggression. Has the Covenant been respected? Is it today beingrespected?
Finally a statement has just been made in their Parliaments by the Governments ofcertain Powers, amongst them the most influential members of the League of Nations, thatsince the aggressor has succeeded in occupying a large part of Ethiopian territory theypropose not to continue the application of any economic and financial measures that mayhave been decided upon against the Italian Government. These are the circumstances inwhich at the request of the Argentine Government, the Assembly of the League of Nationsmeets to consider the situation created by Italian aggression. I assert that the problemsubmitted to the Assembly today is a much wider one. It is not merely a question of thesettlement of Italian aggression.
League Threatened
It is collective security: it is the very existence of the League of Nations. It is theconfidence that each State is to place in international treaties. It is the value ofpromises made to small States that their integrity and their independence shall berespected and ensured. It is the principle of the equality of States on the one hand, orotherwise the obligation laid upon smail Powers to accept the bonds of vassalship. In aword, it is international morality that is at stake. Have the signatures appended to aTreaty value only in so far as the signatory Powers have a personal, direct and immediateinterest involved?
No subtlety can change the problem or shift the grounds of the discussion. It is in allsincerity that I submit these considerations to the Assembly. At a time when my people arethreatened with extermination, when the support of the League may ward off the final blow,may I be allowed to speak with complete frankness, without reticence, in all directnesssuch as is demanded by the rule of equality as between all States Members of the League?
Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation that issuperior to any other. Should it happen that a strong Government finds it may withimpunity destroy a weak people, then the hour strikes for that weak people to appeal tothe League of Nations to give its judgment in all freedom. God and history will rememberyour judgment.
Assistance Refused
I have heard it asserted that the inadequate sanctions already applied have notachieved their object. At no time, and under no circumstances could sanctions that wereintentionally inadequate, intentionally badly applied, stop an aggressor. This is not acase of the impossibility of stopping an aggressor but of the refusal to stop anaggressor. When Ethiopia requested and requests that she should be given financialassistance, was that a measure which it was impossible to apply whereas financialassistance of the League has been granted, even in times of peace, to two countries andexactly to two countries who have refused to apply sanctions against the aggressor?
Faced by numerous violations by the Italian Government of all international treatiesthat prohibit resort to arms, and the use of barbarous methods of warfare, it is mypainful duty to note that the initiative has today been taken with a view to raisingsanctions. Does this initiative not mean in practice the abandonment of Ethiopia to theaggressor? On the very eve of the day when I was about to attempt a supreme effort in thedefense of my people before this Assembly does not this initiative deprive Ethiopia of oneof her last chances to succeed in obtaining the support and guarantee of States Members?Is that the guidance the League of Nations and each of the States Members are entitled toexpect from the great Powers when they assert their right and their duty to guide theaction of the League? Placed by the aggressor face to face with the accomplished fact, areStates going to set up the terrible precendent of bowing before force?
Your Assembly will doubtless have laid before it proposals for the reform of theCovenant and for rendering more effective the guarantee of collective security. Is it theCovenant that needs reform? What undertakings can have any value if the will to keep themis lacking? It is international morality which is at stake and not the Articles of theCovenant. On behalf of the Ethiopian people, a member of the League of Nations, I requestthe Assembly to take all measures proper to ensure respect for the Covenant. I renew myprotest against the violations of treaties of which the Ethiopian people has been thevictim. I declare in the face of the whole world that the Emperor, the Government and thepeople of Ethiopia will not bow before force; that they maintain their claims that theywill use all means in their power to ensure the triumph of right and the respect of theCovenant.
I ask the fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a promise to help themin their resistance to the aggressor, what are they willing to do for Ethiopia? And thegreat Powers who have promised the guarantee of collective security to small States onwhom weighs the threat that they may one day suffer the fate of Ethiopia, I ask whatmeasures do you intend to take?
Representatives of the World I have come to Geneva to discharge in your midst the mostpainful of the duties of the head of a State. What reply shall I have to take back to mypeople?"
June, 1936. Geneva, Switzerland.